Inequality, in the most basic terms, is an imbalance of something; it
could be anything. When considering the various implications of these
inequalities, it is important to evaluate the distinction between natural and
unnatural inequalities. A natural inequality refers to a quality or aptitude
that individuals are born with and the latter is basically everything else:
social, political, economic, and structural relationships of power are defined
by the random assignment of birth (Surowiecki, 2014). These qualities and relationships
interact inextricably resulting in the various dynamics that manifest in a
given society. The tricky part is trying to figure out which inequalities are
acceptable by our contemporary (and ever changing) standard of living and which
are pernicious in the everyday lives of individuals. Luckily, we are advanced
enough to understand how to modify our rules and codes to manage or eliminate
many of these unnatural inequalities.
The question then stands: what responsibility do we have to others? To
what extent do we consider ourselves connected to the suffering of another human
being? Moral arguments for such imbalances abound, but even when we look at the
problem in strict economic terms, different kinds of inequality have different
effects on a society in real ways. The persistence of poverty examined by Raj
Chetty, for example, demonstrates the concentration and intergenerational
effect of economic inequalities that manifest in higher rates of child
malnutrition, high school drop outs, crime, etc. that create concentrations of
poverty (Reich, 2015). Economic inequalities are perhaps one of the more
complex dimensions of inequality in that they function as a product of a
structural system upon which our ability to survive is dependent, but the
structure requires our participation to function.
It has been demonstrated time and again that the median wage in the
United States is stagnant, productivity is up, and the minimum wage simply does
not cover the cost of the basic necessities to participate fully in American
society (Casselman, 2014; Brooks, 2014). Even Republicans are beginning to take
notice as we move towards the 2016 Presidential race watching Mitt Romney’s
attempts to re-envision himself an anti-poverty advocate; ironic in light of
the consistent voting record on raising the minimum wage - spoiler alert: they
said no. (Bobic, 2015; Lowrey, 2014). It is with the wage, primarily, that
concerns over inequality take particularly troublesome forms. There was once an
understanding between employers and employees that the exchange should be fair
to both parties, but unionized jobs are hard to come by now and many service
sectors actively try to dissuade their employees from such collective effort
(Pyke, 2014). Without the incentive of profit, there is no reason for a
businessperson to go into business, but unless the employee is afforded the
opportunity to earn enough money to survive, he or she is not a consumer in the
full sense – which is, of course, exactly what the businessperson needs the
employee to be in order for his or her business to thrive. In order to be consumers,
the wages of individuals must rise above subsistence levels.
Fortunately, humans like stuff – we are masters at creating, collecting,
and coveting. The problems of economic inequalities arise only in absolute
terms of food, housing, and clothes (because, let’s be honest, people can’t be
running around naked). Access to education and medical care are more
complicated, but have rightly come to be seen as human rights in most developed
and in many developing countries. If our wage is a reflection of the value of
our labor, as it allows us to maintain our existence, then these absolute terms
must be treated as an extension of that wage. If social mobility is our primary
concern as a meritocratic democracy, as suggested by the intense debate over
inequality, then equality of opportunity must include the opportunity of
full-time employment to escape poverty, not working full-time to live in it
(Surowiecki, 2014).
Bibliography
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